Thursday, April 22, 2010

Killers on the road

Ukraine's ruling elites continue to massacre innocent road users in high-speed "accidents".

Yesterday morning the killer was the driver of a vehicle escorting president Yanukovych during his regular maniacal dash through closed-off roads in Kyiv.

I posted about the regular carnage on Ukraine's roads last November:

"In 2007 there were 9921 road traffic fatalities reported in Ukraine, 56% of which were pedestrians. So, over five and half thousand pedestrians were killed on the roads that year in the country.

In the United Kingdom by comparison, 2398 road deaths were reported in 2006, 21% of which were pedestrians, i.e. about 500 pedestrians were killed - 10 times less that in Ukraine, even though it has a larger population and many more vehicles on the road."

'Kyiv Post' published a by no means comprehensive list of 'prominenti' involved in such incidents last December.

President Yanukovych's chief spokesperson Hanna Herman's 17-year old son was killed in a high-speed crash last year.

What is it with these maniacs?

Wednesday, April 21, 2010

The President's bogus charity

In my previous blog I wrote about, "Tantalit Limited", and the "Renaissance of Ukraine" charitable foundation who, together with president Yanukovych, are leasing the 140 hectare Mezhyhirya complex for the next 47 years.

Mezhyhirya is the favoured residence of the president. Two anonymous offshore 'nameplate companies', on in Austria, one in Leichtenstein, stand behind "Tantalit Limited".

And it seems that the main beneficiary of the charitable foundation is the orphan Viktor Fedorovych himself.

Investigative journalist Tatyana Chornovil, in a recent article, revealed "Renaissance of Ukraine" are the registration holders of an imposing fleet of expensive vehicles which should be exclusively used by the charity in their work. One of these vehicles, a custom-built GMC Savanna passenger van, provided personal transportation for Yanukovych, and was often seen flouting traffic laws.

Chornovil's investigations indicate the charitable foundation's charity work is minimal - organising Easter children's egg painting competitions, donating sweets and children's books, and "encouraging young people to live healthy lifestyles and supporting youth organizations"..Quite what they are doing leasing large tracts of prime real estate is a mystery.

In most western countries such institutions are scrupilously regulated by government bodies, [e.g. in England and Wales by the Charity Commission] to ensure donors' contributions are properly spent, and recipients of aid are not defrauded. They demand financial accounts to check if charities have not set up merely to avoid payment of taxes. Comprehensive information about any registered charity is freely available to anyone - usually 'on the 'net'.

In Ukraine,"Renaissance of Ukraine" seem to fly 'under the radar'.

The founder of the "Renaissance of Ukraine" is Alexander Yurchenko, who is also chairman of the of the 'Zoryaniy' cinema complex where Yanukovych's headquarters are situated and where PoR frequently gather for party meetings and other business. The "Renaissance of Ukraine's" offices are located in the same premises as those of half a dozen business enterprises of notable PoR parliamentary deputy and close Yanukovych advisor, Eduard Prutnyk.

Today, when speaking about press freedom in Ukraine, president Yanukovych said this:

"...I emphasize yet again that as President of Ukraine I will always defend freedom of the press, will defend journalists and do everything possible to ensure that the authorities will be transparent and their actions and open to the press and to society."

Can these words be taken seriously from a man so closely associated with what is clearly a bogus charity?





Tuesday, April 20, 2010

Wallowing in corruption

Serhiy Leshchenko of 'Ukrainska Pravda' has shone more light on the Mezhyhirya affair in two recent articles here and here.

Mezhyhirya is a highly desirable former state residence on the banks of the Dnipro river near Kyiv. In recent years it has been 'distributed' between three participants in the following proportions: "Tantalit Limited" (129 hectares), "Renaissance of Ukraine" Charitable Foundation (7.6 hectares) and president Viktor Yanukovych (1.78 hectares). These three parties pay only a minscule nominal rent to the Ukrainian state for the land, which they lease until 2057. No auction or submission of tendering bids ever took place for use of these assets.

Serhiy Leschenko reveals 'Tantalit' is ostensibly owned by two offshore 'nameplate' companies - the Austrian 'Euro East Beteiligungs GmbH', whose founder is a stockbroker from Vienna, and the Liechtenstein 'Blythe (Europa) Ltd', whose founder is an Austrian lawyer.

Nominally, the official registered founders of " Renaissance of Ukraine" are two young ladies from Donetsk, one of whom, its seems, is a student. Currently, construction is in full swing on the charity's land of a large cultural and fitness center with saunas and bowling lanes. Tennis courts, and an underground shooting range are also being built.

'Tantalit' will be building on their patch an entire health and recreation centre; it will include a yacht club, a golf course, and equestrian riding club. Who is to benefit from these facilities is not known. President Yanukovych, who likes to spend as much time as possible at 'Mezhyhirya', proudly declares himself to be a keen tennis player and golfer. He is also very fond of hunting and shooting wild boar.

Yanukovych's paltry 1.78 hectare plot at 'Mezhyhirya' is surrounded by 'Tantalit's and 'Renaissance of Ukraine's properties, but, incredibly he claims he has no relationship to these companies.

In his inauguration address to the VR on Febrary 25th Yanukovych mentioned three times the great problem of corruption in Ukraine. In particular, he said: "The prerequisites for restoration of investors' and international financial institutions' confidence in Ukraine are: ensuring political stability, fighting corruption, establishing clear and, most importantly, permanent rules of relations between the state and business. Providing the first two conditions will be particularly difficult process, but I have enough political will to make them reality."

Has he the political will to reveal who is hiding behind his mysterious neighbours 'Tantalit', and why they benefit from the use of a large expanse of state-owned land whilst paying a tiny fraction of the proper price?

Will the National Anti-corruption Committee, which he set up the day after his inauguration, look into the entire affair? Or will Mezhehirya remain a stinking swamp of corruption in which the president continues to wallow?





Friday, April 09, 2010

Constitutional Court - a laughing stock

I was completely "underwhelmed" by the superficial, undignified and perfunctionary manner in which head of the Constitutional Court, Andriy Stryzhak, delivered his recent court's rulings: video clips here and here

The man can hardly speak properly..what an ***hole...

At a press conference later, commenting on the C.C.'s 180 degree turnaround on a ruling made by the same court in 2008 on formation of parliamentiary coalitions solely on the basis of parliamentary fractions, and not on individual deputies, Strizhak said, "Well, let us say tomorrow the political situation changes - the political state of affairs - how will the C.C. act? If so, let's wait for this tomorrow - and tomorrow we will interpret [matters], possibly, entirely differently as [we did] now."

No wonder his comments provoked giggles amongst journalists present..



Monday, April 05, 2010

Dmytro [Krippinovych] Tabachnyk

Controversial Minister of Education Dmytro Tabachnyk took part in last Friday's 'Shuster Live' programme. He responded to questions from students in Kyiv, Kharkiv and Lviv in a most disdainful and dismissive manner .

As I was watching it suddenly struck me the man has a marked resemblance to [and the charm of?] infamous wife-poisoner Dr Crippen [see photo]. More on the doctor and his colourful associates here

Its easy to see why Tabachnyk is so unpopular - he has an emotionless, chilly aura about him.

[Picture of Tabachnyk himself here ]

During the programme members of the representative audience aged between 18-29 were asked whether they "had come across corruption in the sphere of education". An astonishing 73% said they had. When asked whether this problem could be overcome and beaten, about half said it could not. For anyone that has passed through a western education system the first figure is almost incredible. Sadly, many Ukrainian higher qualifications must be assumed to be highly suspect.

p.s. A good article on Ukraine's education system and the problems it faces from 'K.P.' here

Wednesday, March 24, 2010

Misuse of power already

On March 11th President Yanukovych appointed Valeriy Khoroshkovsky as head of the the SBU, the Security Service of Ukraine. Khoroshkovsky is one of Ukraine's biggest TV and media magnates, owner of U.A. Inter Media Group Limited, and majority owner of the 'Inter' - on of Ukraine’s leading television channels. He is worth, by some estimates $2Bn. Quite what qualifies him for the the SBU job is unclear. One would think he has his hands full with his 'day job'.

Several weeks ago some of Khoroshkovsky's companies challenged in court the results of a National Television and Radio Council [of Ukraine] competition set up to distribute television broadcast frequencies. 'Inter' were granted only 20 frequencies out of 89, the remainder went to their competitors, including Channel 5 and TVi.

For some reason the SBU consider this a matter of national security and are now 'putting the squeeze' on the National TV and Radio Council, demanding copies of competition advertisements and rules, minutes of meetings, rulings etc. They are also demanding certified copies of National Council members' CV's, documents relating to their appointment and so on.

Are we going to see more of this kind of thing from the new administration? It is almost inevitable that when some of Ukraine's biggest oligarchs are to be found now in the cabinet of ministers and in other positions of great power they will use these positions for their own ends. Ironically, the new PoR-led parliamentary 'Stability and Reform' coalition depends for its existence on the parliamentary Communist fraction.

p.s. The mysterious death abroad of Ihor Pluzhnikov, the previous owner of 'Inter', has never been fully explained. Maybe the SBU should get onto the case.



Sunday, March 21, 2010

World Bank's prescription for Ukraine

A 15-page World Bank report entitled "Making Ukraine Stronger Post - Crisis", posted several days ago, may be of interest to readers of this blog.

It provides an excellent over-view of the current state of the country and includes details of the bitter medicine the new administration has to administer for the country to get better. The IMF's prescription will no doubt be equally sobering.

There are a lot of recommendations in the WB report that will hurt Yanukovych's and Azarov's friends too..no wonder 'nachalstvo' have been looking glum lately..

Thursday, March 18, 2010

Splits in STARE* already?

This from the Communist Party of Ukraine's official website today:

.."[CPU leader] Peter Symonenko said that he was disturbed by the intention of the Government and President to continue negotiations with the IMF for loans when there is no programme of action formed by the government, when a state budget is yet to be passed, when the national debt is almost equal to the GDP, and when the strategic directions of economic cooperation with other countries and international organizations have yet to be determined."

"We are witnessing how, because of the IMF, the WTO, and the World Bank, large Ukrainian industrial enterprises and agriculture were, and are being destroyed, and how domestic producers are being forced out of the domestic market to the benefit of foreign corporations and companies. And while there is no detailed economic data or estimates of economic gains or losses, conducting talks on new loans is a conscious imposition of a slip knot on the people and country," said the Communist leader.

"It is shameful when the person responsible for the strategy of economic development determines in advance false priorities, such as granting Ukraine associate membership in the EU on who knows what terms, which limit domestic manufacturers in the main sectors of the Ukrainian economy including in the agricultural sector. However, concerning Deputy Prime Minister Serhiy Tihipko, it is not surprising. He held the same position under Lazarenko, was minister of economics under Yushchenko, and led the National Bank under Kuchma," added Symonenko.

*PoR/BL/CPU and some odds and ends form 'STARE' - the 'new' "Stability and and Reform" parliamentary coalition.

p.s. The campaign to 'smoke out' new minister of education and science, Dmytro Tabachnyk continues. Six oblast councils passed resolutions demanding his sacking and demos were staged in several cities.

Tuesday, March 16, 2010

Incensed students to stub out Tabachnyk?

The provocative appointment by president Yanukovych of Dmytro (the dinosaur) Tabachnyk as minister for education and science has quickly given his opponents a cause around which they can rally.

An appeal [in English] to education workers by the president of the prestigious Kyiv Mohyla Academy explains the reasons for the anger felt by many Ukrainians.

Various youth and student organisations in Lviv are staging a protest march and rally in the city on Wednesday. Similar protests will certainly take place elsewhere.

The BYuT-led opposition in parliament are demanding the VR consider Tabachnyk's dismissal at its next session. It is not clear that the goverment will be able to fend off such a motion.

Yanukovych may have 'overreached' himself. The cabinet is already heavily loaded in favour of Ukraine's easternmost oblasts, e.g. 10 ministers are from either the Donetsk or the Luhansk oblast. Another three, including PM Azarov, are Russian-born but grew in in the Donbas region. More than half of Ukraine's oblasts are not represented in the new cabinet at all. The government and particularly the all-important economic and financial levers are completely under Yanukovych's control now. He could, and should have appointed moderates, perhaps from central or western Ukraine for the humanitarian ministries.

In soccer, particularly if you're playing away from home, the priority for the first minutes is to play safe and 'silence the crowd'. Yanukovych should have appointed a far less controversial figure for such a 'touchy' ministry as education and science - this could be his first 'own goal'.

Friday, March 12, 2010

Glum Azarov appointed PM

Azarov's appointment as prime minister of Ukraine today was a strange, dare I say, even Brezhnevite affair? Watch the video here - by their expressions it looks as if both he and Yanukovych were suffering from painful haemorrhoids. The new president couldn't get out of the main session hall quickly enough, interrupting speaker Lytyvn who was addressing the gathered deputies, to shake his hand.

Some are already predicting underlying tensions inside the new Azarov cabinet.

Many of PoR's founders and main financial sponsors have been sent to the back of the queue as minsterial and gubernatorial jobs are being handed out and a battle for influence may be brewing inside the party's ranks.

Maybe Azarov and Yanyk read the results of the latest opinion poll in which 75% of respondents do not support the creation of a new coalition if it breaches the constitution. Almost one half do not believe the new coalition will work effectively.

On 4th March Serhiy Tihipko, in a TV interview, said it would be "a colossal mistake" if Yanukovych signs off the new, constitutionally highly dubious law on formation of parliamentary coalitions. In the event, Yanukovych did sign the law, and guess what, Tihipko joined the new government anyway, as deputy PM responsible for economic questions. Not only that, it seems he has kicked his own political project "Strong Ukraine" into the long grass too. There had been rumours Raisa Bohatyryova was to join Tihipko's political party - her son already headed their Donetsk branch.



Wednesday, March 10, 2010

Unnatural partners

The Communist Party of Ukraine and Party of Regions are supposed to be partners in the setting up of a new parliamentary coalition. According to the CPU's (rather creepy) official website, their leader Petro Symonenko is already 'having a dig' at president Yanukovych. PoR are bank-rolled by many owners of the country's largest banks and industrial enterprises. They might stink, but clearly their money doesn't..

Symonenko says: "Refusal of the announcement of an all-Ukrainian referendum on NATO and the granting of second state language status to Russian would mean betraying voters who voted for Viktor Yanukovych in the presidential election".

He was responding to a statement by Yanukovych made during a Shevchenko prize awards ceremony on Tuesday in which the president declared his support for the development of the Ukrainian language as a sole state language.

p.s. The CPU's official party programme boasts: "The theoretical and ideological foundations of the party are the teachings of Marx-Engels-Lenin, which are constantly [being] enriched according to reality and change according to new conditions and tasks."

Get outta here...



Monday, March 08, 2010

Yatseniuk makes his play

Following Viktor Yanukovych's victory in last month's presidential elections, PoR fully expected NUNS' parliamentary deputies [and others] to defect in droves and for a new pro-presidential coalition to be quickly formed.

Although Yulia Tymoshenko's has been sacked by VR, a majority of NUNS deputies are not yet ready to join a PoR-led coalition. PoR have been forced to change their tactics and embark on the passing of 'dodgy' anti-constitutional parliamentary procedure laws to enable a new coalition and cabinet of ministers to be established by a simple majority of deputies, rather than by fractions. As yet, no new laws on coalition building have been approved by the new president.

Some commentators consider that the latest maneouvre is a bluff to apply more pressure on NUNS deputies to 'cave in' and join PoR in a new coalition, the reasoning being: "There is still time for you to join us - there may even be some crumbs off the table for you, but if you don't, we'll manage without you in any case."

Though it is vitally important in the current economic mess a stable coalition and new cabinet is formed as quickly as possible, and though it would not necessarily cause much political damage inside the country, Yanukovych may, nevertheless be loathe to pass controversial laws so soon after becoming president.

Today young NUNS-ite Arseniy Yatseniuk, who came 4th in the recent presidential elections, has written an open letter to president Yanukovych with some interesting proposals.

Below is a quick summary:

The main task right now is "to unite the country at any price"

He proposes the following policies:

Passing of a realistic national budget, an audit of national debts, and approval of a financial stabilisation plan.

An effective anti-corruption campaign.

Reform of welfare system.

Implementation of a property tax.

Creation of an effective pension system.

Tax reform.

Reform of the energy sector.

Effective management of strategic assets .

Development of infrastructure.

Stabilisation of the banking system.

Changes in the education and medical sectors.

Development of the agrarian sector.

Also:

Question of Ukrainian as single state language is not negotiable, but Russian language to be granted protection by the state.

Russian Black Sea Fleet could remain in Ukrainian bases after 2017 but only if this approved by national referendum. Similarly for NATO membership.

Gas transport consortium not required - Ukraine is capable of running pipeline on its own. But Ukraine needs joint energy company to be formed with EU and Russian partners.

Yatseniuk proposes a three year moratorium on 'hot topics' to help unify the country, and the introduction of an open party list electoral system.

Importantly, he concludes: " Non constitutional attempts by parliamentarians to form a coalition and a government will lead to a deepening of the political crisis, so there are only two possible alternatives: formation of a majority exclusively on the basis of fractions, or pre-term elections".

He proposes the following solution the current impasse : "Announcement of early elections and the legitimate creation of a temporary coalition valid for a period of 60 days until elections can take place."

"Such a decision envisages formation of a caretaker government whose composition is to be determined by you [the president]. The fraction to which I belong should support this decision, but not take responsibility for the actions of this caretaker government, nor enter into it."

Early parliamentary elections would suit Yatseniuk well. After his performance in the presidential elections his political project, 'Front for Changes' could reasonably expect to gain about 30 parliamentary seats. Serhiy Tihipko, who came third in these elections would certainly do well too, he is in favour of early elections too [surprise, surprise] and has called PoR's attempts to change coalition-building rules in parliament "political piracy".

Thursday, March 04, 2010

Stick to the Constitution

Article 83 of Ukraine's constitution is very clear, it states. ....

"A coalition of deputy factions comprising a majority of people’s deputies of Ukraine in the constitutional membership of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine shall be formed in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on the basis of the results of election and on the basis of the harmonisation of the political platforms. "

Any parliamentary coalition is formed by factions, of which there are currently five, and not by individual deputies.

Because of the difficulty of forming a new coalition and electing a new cabinet led by a PoR premier, the party is proposing the introduction of a new, politically expedient parliamentary 'reglament' or rule - a coalition is to comprise: "a union of deputy fractions, national deputies, into which enter a majority of national deputies from the constitutional body of the Verhkhovna Rada."

The NUNS parliamentary faction has split into smaller groups, and parliament now also includes a number of non aligned deputies who have been kicked out of their factions, so this constitutionally unlawful step may help Viktor Yanukovych and PoR achieve their aim of forming a new majority in parliament and a cabinet led by one of their guys, probably Mykola Azarov. But it will not make the new ruling coalition more durable.

The Verkhovna Rada has been plagued by deputies' political indiscipline for many years - that is why the constitution was changed to its present form in the first place.

Even if a new coalition is not formed in the allotted time frame and fresh pre-term parliamentary elections are called, because 4 or5 or more factions will enter parliament again, sadly, the instability will continue.


Wednesday, March 03, 2010

Ukraine's magic roundabout

The Tymoshenko-led cabinet will almost certainly not survive a vote of no confidence in the VR on Wednesday. The 'virtual' BYuT-led ruling coalition has fallen apart, but is by no means certain that a new coalition can be constructed in the thirty day time frame before new elections [that no-one wants] have to be declared.

NUNS, the political bloc that PoR must bring over to their side, insist that any new PM has to be one of their guys. Although Arseniy Yatseniuk is frequently mentioned as a potential candidate, it has to be remembered the biggest plank of his presidential campaign platform was "the creation of a new political elite". In Davos at the end of January he made it clear that he "will remain in opposition to Yanukovych and to Tymoshenko...I cannot work with either Yanukovych or Tymoshenko..". Although smart politicians "never say never", becoming PM without any personal power base in parliament could well be a poisoned chalice, particularly for the young and ambitious Yatseniuk. His best bet could be early elections to gain a useful foothold in the VR on which to develop his political project.

Tonight on a TV programme, Viktor Yanukovych's principal long-time close advisor and spin-doctor, now deputy head of his presidential administration, Hanna Herman, candidly declared: "[When] we recall Yushchenko's premiership - this was not the worst time for Ukraine. It seems to me he would be a good premier, if he agreed on this position."

Yushchenko will bide his time and choose his moment, but for him the PM's job could be an opportunity to resuscitate a discredited political career. And how often in Ukrainian politics do the country's principal figures dramatically disappear on one side the roundabout, only to emerge some time later, on the other side of the roundabout?

Update: After today's no-confidence hit received by Tymoshenko, head of NUNS political council, Vira Ulyanchenko today announced that NU would join a new coalition with PoR on the provision that any new cabinet were to be led by Viktor Yushchenko.

Ulyanchenko, long-time Yushchenko ally, "nursery maid", and the last head of his presidential secretariat, is a formidable political manipulator. She recently 'rendered assistance' to Yanukovych, enabling him to acquire large tracts of forest and land for indulging in his boar hunting passion. No doubt Yushchenko will be expecting similar gestures of reciprocation.

p.s.I hope the accuracy of Yanik's shooting is better than his knowledge of geography.

p.p.s. See Tymoshenko's speech in the VR delivered, just before the no-confidence vote, here.


Friday, February 26, 2010

Dearth of acceptable candidates for PM

NUNS, realising they are the new 'king-makers' in the Ukrainian parliament, have decided that any new prime minister has to be one of their guys whether or not they remain in coalition with BYuT, or dump Tymoshenko and sign-up with PoR .

President Yanukovych stated recently that he would like one of, Mykola Azarov, Serhiy Tihipko, or Arseniy Yatsenyuk to replace Yulia Tymoshenko as PM. Tihipko was not invited to today's inauguration and said he would watch it at home on television - not a good sign. Oddly, he was seen skulking around the VR during the inauguration ceremony.

NUNS will not go with Azarov. and both Tihipko and Yatsenyuk, having dropped out in the first round, pointedly refused to support either Tymoshenko or Yanukovych in the presidential run-off, so the new president has no obligations to either of them. Yanuovych is well aware of the dangers of selecting a prime minister brighter, younger and more energetic that he is.

Early elections would be a disaster for NUNS and PoR could lose out to Tihiko's and Yatseniuk's new political forces so fixing a stable coalition is priority number one for Yanukovych. As for the Lytvyn Bloc, the third member of any new coalition, they most probably would be wiped out in any early election. In any case the major political players' financial sponsors have little money left for new election campaigns.

Former NUNS prime minister and old Kuchma hand Yuriy Yehanurov's name has also been mentioned as potential new prime minister - but why go with the monkey when you can have the organ grinder himself - Viktor Yushchenko?

Last December a secret document, supposedly a Yushchenko-Yanukovych deal, was leaked by a highly-placed official in the president's secretariat. It was all quickly hushed up as I recall - television reports were abruptly terminated in a style reminiscent of Ceausescu's Romania. The deal was then immediately denounced by its alleged signatories as a low-grade canard.

Paragraph 4 of the document stated: "[Both] sides guarantee to propose V.A. Yushchenko for the post of prime minister and to vote for his candidature in a [newly formed?] parliamentary majority."

We won't have long to wait long to find out if this was all balony..

Monday, February 22, 2010

Tymoshenko throws down challenge


BYuT's bold attempt to force a quick parliamentary vote of support in her government before President-elect Viktor Yanukovych's inauguration this Thursday puts NUNS in a nasty 'make-your-mind-up' position.

NUNS, in particular, are being denied a long drawn-out period which would enable them to obtain the best-possible deal from PoR in arranging a new coalition with their potential future partners in parliament.

If Tymoshenko's government survives a vote of no confidence before Yanukovych's inauguration on Thursday their leader would again be in a commanding position after recent defeat in the presidential elections and subsequent court battle.

Today's move to force the issue of credibility in the current government may turn out to be a master-stroke.

Will her enemies be man enough to 'pick up the gauntlet'?


Wednesday, February 17, 2010

Cynical deputies trample Constitution

Today in the VR deputies voted to cancel the planned countrywide May 30th local elections ostensibly because of lack of funds. Elections costs are normally covered by the treasury but this year's state budget has not yet been passed due to constant obstruction by PoR deputies and president Yushchenko.

In total, 250 deputies supported today's motion - 169 from PoR, 32 from NUNS, 27 Communists, 17 Lytvyn bloc, plus 3 others. [This could well be the shape of a new VR coalition.]

The motion is legally most dubious - the periods of office of Ukrainian oblast and city councils are clearly specified in the country's constitution [Article 141] and laws cannot be passed retroactively.

The Committee of Ukrainian Electors NGO are "outraged" by the decision calling it the "height of political cynicism".

Rising political star Serhiy Tihipko was quick to respond: "I think this is a very bad signal to us Ukrainians, and to the whole world. The argument of postponement in the absence of a budget is laughable. What if the deputies do no pass any budget? ..the country is reduced to a regime of manual control, freezing all political life." Tihipko considers the deputies decision to be a blow to Ukrainian democracy and was instigated by a fear of new politicians who received an unexpectedly large number of votes in the recent presidential elections.

Yanukovych and timid PoR deputies clearly have no confidence that they can build on their narrow victory in the presidential elections next May. Not a good start..

p.s President Yushchenko is supposed to be the guarantor of the constitution - wonder what he will say..

Sunday, February 14, 2010

Yanukovych jumps the gun

Viktor Yanukovych was interviewed by a Russian TV channel yesterday.

His blunt pronouncements, particularly on what he considered to be "the path of forced Ukrainianisation" of the Russian-speaking parts of the country, his glib assumption that a new PoR-led parliamentary coalition will soon be formed and on other matters, will make the construction of a new PoR-led coalition in the VR and the eviction of PM Tymoshenko from the cabinet of ministers more difficult.

Even though she is not prepared to recognise Yanukovych as fairly-elected president, she could remain PM for some time to come. Some parts of the NUNS group have already expressed annoyance at Yanukovych's statements.

PoR are a bit 'flat' just one week after the presidential elections. Problem is they don't have a partner in parliament to dump Tymoshenko - they can't do it on their own. NUNS do not have one unchallenged leader with whom they can talk to, and each constituent NUNS party sub-group either wants a 'cut of the action' in order to jump ship, or is not interested in any new coalition. For a new PoR-led coalition to be formed a majority of NUNS deputies have to support any leader willing to 'cross the floor' in parliament. Tymoshenko's stalling maneouvre, challenging the result of last week's voting in the courts, gives time for both PoR and BYuT to gather forces and plan tactics for future battles in the VR.

It would perhaps have been better for Yanukovych to keep his mouth closed a bit longer...at least until he had his feet under the presidential desk..

p.s. Tymoshenko is not a parliamentary deputy - if she was evicted from the cabinet of ministers she would not have the valuable platform of parliament to rally her bloc members. [Although Yanukovych is a deputy, he has seldom attended proceedings.]

Wednesday, February 10, 2010

Tihipko, were he runner-up in round 1, would now be president

Serhiy Tihipko, who came from nowhere to third in the first round of this year's presidential elections, would have comfortably beaten both Yanukovych or Tymoshenko in the final round had he come second, according to an exit poll in which over 20 thousand voters were questioned - he would be the new president. [It could well be that president Yushchenko's appeal to his supporters to vote 'against all' and perhaps his granting of Hero of Ukraine status to Stepan Bandera may have cost Tymoshenko the top job.]

While Tihipko remains popular Party of Regions will definitely not want any early parliamentary elections for fear of losing seats to his political project- a situation that gives the NUNS bloc in the current VR huge leverage. NUNS themselves could be wiped out in any early elections also. Party of Regions cannot form a majority coalition and evict the current Tymoshenko-led cabinet with any other party's participation [except of course BYuT, but this is hardly likely]. The support of the remaining two parliamentary VR parties is insufficient.

Some observers consider that Tymoshenko, by challenging the results of Sunday's poll through the courts, is merely playing for time in order to come to an arrangement with Yanukovych whereby he obtains his favoured selections for head of the SBU and Prosecutor General [via parliament] while she remains head of government, perhaps even with some PoR members filling empty chairs in the cabinet, until after this summer's recesss. To throw in the towel right away would be perceived as weakness by her supporters and opponents alike and would reduce the possibility that she remains PM. But, as in 2004, everyone knows who the next president of Ukraine will be...

p.s. If Tihipko had endorsed Tymoshenko after the first round in exchange for her firm offer to appoint him PM in the event of her victory, more than likely they both would be sitting in the top two posts in the country. Tihipko may be regretting not taking up Tymoshenko's offer - he would have been in control of the country's government now... as it is: "He goes away with nothing.."




Tuesday, February 09, 2010

Challenges for the new president

I liked this article written the day after the final round of the presidential elections by Viktoria Syurmar in 'U.P.' I've roughly translated portions below:

"On the first day after the presidential elections there are several challenges for Ukraine which have to be addressed otherwise the country will not develop, at least within its existing borders.

Challenge 1. Acceptance of the results

This will indicate whether Ukraine is a stable and democratic country. After the last five years national politicians have to understand that exchange of seats of power is the norm after elections and defeat is not the end of the world.

Fear of losing power should not mean a fear of punishment of loss of assets, but while this fear exists every change of power will carry a serious risk of physical confrontation. However, the more examples of peaceful transfer of power take place without a redistribution of property the faster these fears, which are are exaggerated in current times, will diminish.

Challenge 2. Political co-operation and arrangements for improved economic performance

The biggest problem faced by any new government will be in tackling the economic crisis. Effective prescriptions to overcome it are known and are common to both leading political camps.

The main branches of traditional industry will not pull the country out of crisis - the structure of the economy has to be reformed to encourage small and medium business, and the domestic market has to be reformed and redirected for increased consumption of domestic products. This will require a number of major economic decisions and the support of parliament. The ruling authorities must learn to share and not seek to introduce a monopoly of power by one political force, as this will automatically result in growth of opposition and further instability, making any reform impossible.
Taking power must not be a means of obtaining access to resources and tools merely for benefitting individuals' own business interests. This is a serious test for 'Regionaly' - if they did not pass it the next wave of the economic crisis will be their downfall.

If the government and parliament, instead of working for coherent economic reforms, engages in division and distribution of powers, as traditionally happens, neither this government nor this parliament will remain in being for long. As a result, in the current situation, being in power will be significantly less comfortable than in opposition.

Challenge 3. Politics of balance for improvement of the country's unity

Analysis of the 2010 election voting results show, once again, the country split - any abrupt steps may just break the country in half. The unexpectedly small gap between Yanukovych and Tymoshenko may be the result of rash statements on the introduction of Russian as a second state language by the former in the interval between the first and final voting round. Any attempts to introduce such measured during his period of leadership could even cost him his chair.

A complication for Yanukovich is that as president he will have to manage Ukraine not from Donetsk, but from Kyiv, a city he never really understood. [In the capital he received 25% of votes cast, compared to Tymoshenko's 65%. An astonishing 8% took the trouble of going to the polling station on a freezing cold February day and voting 'against all' - LEvko]

In the capital he cannot rule as he did in Donetsk. Any attempt to apply pressure or acts of repression, or to redistribute property will cause social unrest. At the same time it is also clear that Yanukovych will have to pay attention to his own voters too, otherwise he risks losing them as did Viktor Yushchenko and Oleksandr Moroz over the last few years. They were not forgiven for making agreements with Yanukovych.

Politics requires a balance of wisdom and political maturity. Success will only be achieved if and when both parts of society will understand any new government's policies.

Learning how to talk to the community is one of the first tasks to be mastered by the new president. He has to learn to explain the need to compromise to preserve unity, the need to "tighten belts" for the sake of stimulating the economy, the need to negotiate with various political forces, and to share power for the benefit of the country.

Whether he understands this will be revealed by his decision to attend or not attend an open forum initiated by dozens of NGOs in the near future. This will be the first test of openness and willingness to communicate with his people. Otherwise, the newly elected president will soon realise what a crisis of confidence is, and what threats it poses in times of economic crisis.

Challenge 4. Reforms to the political system

The large number who voted "against all" [in large cities up to 7-8%] exposed a serious crisis of confidence in all political forces and the current political system in general.

Many Ukrainian politicians are cut off from the Ukrainian society - they live their separate lives according to their own rules while the rest of society live their lives governed by different rules. Ukrainians have learned that they can solve many problems on their own, such as problems associated with their own homes and streets, either individually, or collectively in civic housing associations etc.

Despite the highly centralized budget system, local government today is more efficient than central government.

Similarly, Ukrainian businesses are alive and developing not because of, but rather despite the actions of the state. These businesses have learned to maintain social, civic and educational projects to the benefit of the country's development.

Ukrainians have learned to associate in professional associations and lobby effectively for their own interests. Despite the fact that Ukraine has outdated and ineffective laws on public associations, such associations are growing in number and are becoming more effective in protecting the interests of their members and society.

Non-governmental organizations, primarily competing for grants, have now learned to associate and work together for changes in the country. Active citizens from different social backgrounds together in various clubs and platforms and are looking for answers to questions on the development of society. These changes occuring in society are more progressive than what's going on in politics, which stuck at the level of banal populism and circus-like political television shows.

At the same time the Ukrainian politicum is an extraordinary closed shop. For new independent thinking people with radically new ideas to enter is impossible under the current electoral system

Any closed system without refreshment is doomed so either politicians realize this, reform themselves and introduce new appoaches to the process of governance, or they will be carried away by the energy that is now maturing in the depths of society.

p.s. At time of writing, with only just over 0.5% of votes to be counted and trailing by just over 3% Tymoshenko has refused to concede and will be challenging the election result in the courts.

Sunday, February 07, 2010

A repeat of 2004 awaits?

The recently passed amendments to Ukrainian election laws allow individual election commissions to start their work without having a minimum quorum (which earlier was 2/3 of the commission members), and allow the commissions to dismiss their members for "not participating" in the commission’s meeting on the election day. [What about participating only a little bit or later in the day?]

Eminent lawyer Alexiy Reznikov, in an interview in 'Glavred' claims the amendments have significantly increased the chances of the results of Sunday's election being rigged or challenged in the courts.

He claims that about 10 days ago legally-minded VR deputies responded to calls from Yulia Tymoshenko to make changes to the election laws between the first and final rounds by telling her that this cannot be done. And yet, these deputies hastily voted in last-minute changes that suited their favoured candidate, ostensibly to prevent cheating by his opponent.

There is a possibility, because a quorum is no longer required, that on the day of polling the head of any election commission could gather one commission, and the secretary another commission formed from the supporters of the other presidential candidate. They will deliver two protocols to the regional commissions - which will be legitimate? And what if stamps go missing, as recently occured in the Supreme Administrative Court?

Rezinkov claims the authors of the bill and the deputies from Party of Regions, Lytvyn Bloc, the Communists and part of "Our Ukraine", supported and rushed it through on the spur of the moment without much thought because they truly feared the elections could be sabotaged; but now they may have 'opened up an new can of worms'. A repeat second round, as in 2004, is a distinctly possible scenario, he says.

Ironically, the main beneficiary of any possible disorder would be president Yushchenko who will not hand over the keys to the pressa's office until everything is settled.

Thursday, February 04, 2010

Recent changes to election law spell trouble

It seems to me any attempts to change the rules half way through any competition, even sporting, should be treated with the greatest of suspicion. [See details of recent changes to Ukraine's election laws, signed off and approved with indecent haste by president Yushchenko today, here and here ]

In any competition with two participants, in Ukraine's case Viktor Yanukovych and Yulia Tymoshenko in Sunday's presidential run-off, rules and responsible and mutally agreeable oversight have to be agreed beforehand by both parties, otherwise both parties will, without doubt, cheat.

Today the former long-time chair of the Ukrainian Central Electoral Commission condemned the recently implemented changes, saying they contravene internationally recognised standards.

Oleksandr Chernenko, head of the Committee of Ukrainian Voters, a non-profit organization which has monitored most of Ukraine’s national elections since 1991, called the changes "absurd."

And the European parliament is "worried" about last minute changes in Ukraine's electoral law. "The decision to change the electoral rules in between presidential election rounds now raises serious concerns about the vulnerability of these elections to violations and fraud which could undermine the final result," say some MEP's.

Using in-depth statistical analysis of voting data, some Ukrainian mathematicians are claiming serious manipulation of votes had already taken place in the first round of presidential elections.

They conclude: "An extraordinarily high level of mathematical anomalies in the official protocols of winners of round one in macro-regions A and B [regions where Yanukovych and Tymoshenko had greatest support], leads us tp presuppose that falsification was one of the factors for the electoral gains of Viktor Yanukovych and Yulia Tymoshenko.

Large anomalies together with specific forms of plotted number scatter could indicate that S. Tihipko, V. Yatsenyuk, Viktor Yushchenko, P. Symonenko, V. Lytvyn and A. Hrytsenko, in the A and B macro-regions, were the donors of votes to the two winners of the first round.

Statements by independent observers of the democratic nature of our elections are founded only on external observations in the polling stations and, unfortunately, do not take account what was going on in the shadows.

Remaining outside of politics, having carried out our investigations, we cannot consider morally legitimate the future president of Ukraine, whatever their name."

p.s. For outgoing president Yushchenko to encourage his supporters to vote 'against all' in the presidential election run-off is truly pathetic - unworthy of anyone elected to high office in a democracy. But it is completely in keeping with his five miserable years in office..

Update: President Wilfried Martens of the European People's Party, the largest political group in the European Parliament, is "very concerned about the last minute changes made to the electoral law of Ukraine. They increase opportunities of falsifications during the second round of the Presidential election.

It is surprising that President Yushchenko signed these changes, introduced by the same political party that tried to falsify the Presidential election of 2004..."

Rumours abound that president Yushchenko only agreed to fast-track the signing off of the new election laws because Viktor Yanukovych, if he becomes president, in exchange, promised not to annul the controversial elevation of Stepan Bandera to the the rank of Hero of Ukraine by the current president. Dear oh dear...

Wednesday, February 03, 2010

By skipping debate Yanik 'disses' floating voters

By not taking part in Monday's TV debate with his presidential rival, Viktor Yanukovych showed great disrespect, particularly to those voters who are as yet undecided but who had hoped to watch the debate to help make up their mind about who to vote for next Sunday.

The battle between the two remaining candidates between the first and second round of the presidential elections is precisely for the support of these floating voters.

Yanukovych constantly accuses his rival of being a masterful liar. Why did he not take advantage of a debate to expose this? The parameters of the debate have to be agreed beforehand by both party's camps, so a level playing field is assured.

Anyway, Tymoshenko's 90 minute monologue can be seen here

Tuesday, February 02, 2010

Chornovil on Yanukovych's psychological flaws

Taras Chornovil, until recently, through bad times and good, one of Viktor Yanukovych's closest aides, [but let it be said, serial switcher of political affilations] has written a damning analysis of his former boss in an article in 'U.P.' tonight.

He highlights major psychological flaws in the presidential favourite's character and describes a man of limitless greed, riven with phobia's about his past, terrified of assassination; a man out of his depth as president, who has regressed since 2004 to a state where he is now controlled by a coterie of advisers and is almost incapable of freely expressing a political opinion without the use of cribs. The tone of the article is not vindictive, but is rather chilling, written almost out of pity for the man.

Essential reading..There will, no doubt be much more on this...

Saturday, January 30, 2010

VR decisions always influenced by insider business arrangements

Yesterday in the VR minister of internal affairs Yuriy Lutsenko was voted out of office by 231 votes. They included those of virtually all PoR deputies, Hryhoriy Omelchenko of BYuT, president Yushchenko's brother and Stepan Plyushch who is close to the pres, Viktor Baloha's people from 'Yedyniy Tsentr's' part of NUNS, and those of the Communists.

The surprise was the Lytvyn Bloc, who had been part of the ruling coalition, but crucially, had also supported the motion.

By means of some legally dubious smoke and mirrors, Lutsenko is now merely acting minister of interior affairs, who can sit in at cabinet meetings, but not vote, apparently.

Just over an hour later after the VR vote PoR's official website posted a statement by Viktor Yanukovych addressed to law enforcement personnel, judges, prosecutors, and state security officials. He appealed to them to remain on guard to protect the constitution, "when certain politicians are attempting to agitate the nation, to incite brother against brother, provoke civilian unrest for their own ambitions..."

"I assure you I will do everything to create dignified conditions of work for you, so that you have worthy remuneration, so that all of you be calm about your future. As president I will do everything [in my power] so that all of you who today are fulfilling such an important mission to protect the law and order in the country remain at their responsible posts...etc."

Tetyana Chornovil, in an article in 'Lyevyi Bereg' which well illustrates how Ukrainian politicians really operate, provides background to what went on yesterday. Here's a summary:

After the vote, all of the Lytvyn Bloc [BL] deputies carefully avoided the gathered journalists who were eager to learn why they had voted with PoR. Eventually one of BL deputies emerged from the main chamber to make a 'phone call. He was immediately surrounded by journalists and had to beat a hasty retreat through an emergency exit door, striking the writer of the article, [for which he later apologised].

Apparently it was Lytvyn himself who had ordered his tightly disciplined bloc to vote to sack Lutsenko, even though most of his deputies had serious reservations about this. VR speaker Lytvyn, who had started negotiations on his future with PoR immediately after the first round of the presidential elections, audaciously did not vote..

Chornovil speculates that one reason why BL defected to PoR's camp is that one of their main sponsors is Vasyl Khmelnytsky, a PoR deputy, who makes a lot of money from business schemes involving state contracts so it is vital for him to stay on the right side of any government, and heaven forbid, find himself on the opposition side.

In fact, BL have had it good in coalition with BYuT. Lytvyn was appointed VR speaker, his brother remained at head of Ukrainian Customs and border control administration. Other BL sponsors were appointed to allegedly 'lucrative' positions at the state railway company, state strategic reserve, and state land registry.

[Chornovil, in previous articles in 'Levyi Bereg' had revealed a budget deficit of over one billion hryven as a result of 'refreshment' of state strategic reserves, e.g. 'out-of-date' diesel fuel etc. or similar as I recall]

It is unlikely that BL deputies would readily dissolve the government and ditch such lucrative positions. And Tymoshenko, who is hanging on by her fingernails to the PM's chair can't afford to upset BL either.

As for Baloha's 'Yedyniy Tsentr' - Yanukovych had an excellent result beating Tymoshenko in his Transcapathia oblast in the first round of the presidential elections, so no surprise that they voted with one eye on the future..

The Communists had been an 'unofficial' part of the ruling BYuT-lead ruling coalition because until recently this had suited their main sponsor, 'red businessman' Konstyantyn Hryhoryshyn. [But he recently complained that Tymoshenko had not delivered on her promise to return bidders deposits on the aborted privatisation sale of the Odesa Portside Plant. Tymoshenko had accused potential buyers of colluding to depress the sale price.]

Chornovil concludes: "The voting to sack Lutsenko indicates Yanukovych is quite capable of raising a parliamentary majority and he can turn the current government into an 'acting' government. But the formation of a new coalition is problematic - the factions [required] cannot be easily stuck together, there are insufficient positions of power to satisfy everyone. Even a Yanukovych presidential victory will not solve the problems in the VR. It would be a little easier to [successfully] organise the Rada in the event of a Tymoshenko victory. Ukraine's emergence from the political crisis is hardly likely to be easy and is not yet even on the horizon."

p.s. Viktor Yanukovych and other PoR spokesmen adamantly refuse to tell the electorate who their preferred candidate for PM would be in the event of a Yanukovych presidency and the formation of a new PoR-led ruling coalition in parliament.

Their problem could be that NUNS [and perhaps BL] would never accept Boris Kolesnikov or a Mykola Azarov [PoR's leading contenders] for this position. As a price for joining a new ruling coalition NUNS could press for Yuriy Yekhanurov to be PM...or Viktor Yushchenko?





Thursday, January 28, 2010

What happens after a Yanukovych victory?

If Yanukovych wins the presidential race in under two weeks time he would undoubtedly want to remove Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko from office.

An article in Unian suggests this could be done in three ways: by a legitimate process, an illegitimate process, or by an alternative process.

The legitimate process would include winning a vote of no confidence in parliament, forming a new coalition, forming a new government, and approving a new prime minister.

In theory PoR would be able to garner enough votes to pass a no confidence resolution, but not enough to create a new government-controlled majority.

In order to form a majority coalition it is not sufficient to have the support of a majority of deputies - the majority coalition must nominally include sufficient complete factions to have a majority in parliament. Without the participation of Yulia Tymoshenko's Bloc in a ruling coalition, even if the PoR faction is joined by the Lytvyn Bloc and the Communists, they still require the support of the NUNS faction.

About 36 NUNS deputies [out of 71] are oriented towards BYuT - if Tymoshenko goes and early elections are called, they will find themselves out on the street, so clearly they will not favour joining any new coalition.

The remaining deputies that remain loyal to Yushchenko also potentially interested in limiting the impact of PoR in the government and in the preservation of the current parliament, as they also may not get back into the parliament. However members of this group may be given certain guarantees from Yushchenko, Yatsenyuk or Tihipko and may be placed on these leaders' electoral lists in any future elections.

About 5 to 8 members of the NUNS faction are loyal to Viktor Baloha, but they also are not interested in the removal of Tymoshenko, because in the event of early parliamentary elections, they have virtually no chance to getting on electoral lists of any party likely to overcome the three-percent threshold to enter parliament. The same is true for a smaller, residual group of NUNS deputies.

Any attempt to change the government, therefore, is problematic. The NUNS deputies could, possibly, agree to replace Tymoshenko with someone not from PoR, e.g. Viktor Yushchenko, but considering Yushchenko's miserable electoral performance, such a move would damage PoR's voter appeal and is unlikely. In theory, PoR and NUNS could offer this position to e.g. Arseniy Yatsenyuk or Yuriy Yekhanurov, but a Tihipko candidacy would be viewed with suspicion by PoR.

The Lytvyn bloc in parliament would not favour any early elections either. Their leader's poor showing in the presidential first round elections indicates that they may not enter into any new parliament, and Lytvyn himself would lose his current important pivotal parliamentary speaker position.

Non legitimate means of removing Tymoshenko are unlikely - they would result in a major backlash in any future elections.

An alternative process would involve the election of a compromise candidate, acceptable to all political players, but who would not support early parliamentary elections. The staging of early "semi-legitimate" parliamentary elections, as in 2007, cannot be ruled out, particularly in view of the parlous state of the country's finances and the consequent risk of government default.

Another option would be a new Constitutional Court decision requiring the government to constantly benefit from the support at least 226 deputies. If the government cannot satisfy such a requirement there would then be legitimate grounds for early elections. But this would not reduce the need for PoR to remove Tymoshenko before then. They would dearly like to deprive her of any administrative and financial capabilities provided by the post of prime minister. In addition, they themselves would want access to administrative and financial levers of power, which would provide the opportunity to use information gained to discredit their arch-enemy.

The Unian article also hypothesizes on events that would follow a Tymoshenko victory..but maybe more on this later..

p.s. My views on speculation surrounding 'bronze medalist' Serhiy Tihipko:

Tymoshenko made a cunning and desperate move in her attempt to gain some of Serhiy Tihipko's votes from the first round of the elections by letting electors know that if she becomes president, Serhiy Tihipko will be offered the PM's chair.

However, if as it seems far more likely, Yanukovych is elected president, Tihipko could be left out in the cold - other PoR pretenders for the PM's chair will not be happy to have an interloper dash their own ambitions at the moment their leader has been elected president and when imminent personal financial reimbursements could be put at risk. Tihipko, who has no political base in parliament, has has allegedly clashed on business matters with Rinat Akhmetov in the past.

If PoR manage to set up a new parliamentary coalition why should they call early elections and possibly lose some of their voters to Tihipko's 'Strong Ukraine' political project? PoR will not be too happy to have their vote diluted by leakage to Tihipko in any such early elections. If Tihipko 'cozies up' too close to PoR he will lose the support of those amongst his electors who are more likely to have BYuT and Tymoshenko as their second preference.

A straw poll at the end of last Friday's Savik Shuster show, following a long debate between Yanukovych and Tymoshenko deputies, revealed that amongst those in the representative studio audience who had voted for Tihipko in the first round of voting, about 2:1 were more convinced by the arguments made by Tymoshenko's people than those of her rival.

In most western countries bankers such as Tihipko are 'keeping their heads down' right now - they are the ones who are principally being blamed for the current global crisis..He has had a very easy ride so far in his recent political career - but there are weaknesses that make him vulnerable to attack.

Neverthess, he is safe in the knowledge that that either new president has to deliver, or his [or her] political project is at an end. Voters will only give the winner of the presidental elections one more chance before a third force eventually come to the fore.

In the meantime the words of one British PM will be going through Tihipko's mind: "We have no eternal allies and we have no perpetual enemies..."

p.p.s . Another short video from the 'FT' on the elections here

Monday, January 25, 2010

Vera Rich R.I.P.

A really well written obituary for the late Vera Rich from today's London 'Times' here

Tuesday, January 19, 2010

Much for Yanukovych to ponder after first round of presidential elections

Although the first round result indicates Yanukovych is far more likely to be sitting in the president's chair after the February 7th run-off, there is much for both of the two remaining candidates' teams to consider, particulary on how to hold or gain control over parliament and the cabinet of ministers.

Tymoshenko, a political fire-fighter and crisis manager par excellence always relishes the position of underdog - her chances of victory cannot be entirely written off. The recent rapidly fluctuating ratings of lesser candidates Serhiy Yatsenyuk and Serhiy Tihipko reveal that a significant portion of the electorate is soft. In light of recent OP's the Tymoshenko camp can be reasonably pleased that Yanukovych has not gained momentum and YVT has closed the gap between them to just over 10%.

The dilemma facing Yanukovych in the event of his victory is, if PoR are unable to quickly form a new ruling coalition in the current parliament, what will happen if parliament is, by some means, dissolved and fresh parliamentary elections called? Apart from extending the current long period of political instability well into Spring, what would the result of such fresh elections be when the immediate introduction of reform and crisis management programs via parliament is vital?

This weekend's vote suggests that parties led by the second-string presidential candidates, including the current president, would probably secure seats in any newly-elected parliament. Neither of the big two would gain overall command and the traditional destabilising horse-trading would continue. Tymoshenko could even remain PM for some time to come.

Tihipko and Yatsenyuk have much to consider too in their quest for political glittering prizes. They both must be confident that any political groups they lead would enter parliament in early parliamentary elections but would, however, remain lesser partners in any coalition. The youthful and sophisticated Tihipko in particular is a threat to PoR, his recent support has been principally at the expense of Yanukovych in areas where PoR dominate.

Some commentators even say that had Tihipko come in second in the first round presidential vote, Yanukovych would be 'dead meat' in the second round. But Tihipko will be most aware of the recent political trajectory of Yatsenyuk, also a formidable performer - their ratings can swing frightening quickly. Tihipko and Yatsenyuk's backers have made large financial outlays in their presidential campaigns which could all go to waste - and they do not have the party machines or financial hinterland of Ukraine's big two parties, Nasha Ukraina or even of the Socialists or Communists.

So what to do for him and Yatsenyuk? Offer support to YVT in exchange for a high cabinet post? Their endorsement and a subsequent defeat for Tymoshenko in the run-off could be damaging to their careers. Do nothing and just wait for parliamentary elections? By this time their moment may have passed.

For the next three weeks Yanukovych's minders will be sitting tight too, doing their utmost to ensure their man avoids any political banana skins. Yanukovych's core vote should hold and he will pick some votes from the eliminated candidates, as will Tymoshenko. But the wiser PoR people will have much on their minds right now - and Yulia T's team will be desperately working the telephones.

Update: According to one exit poll slightly more than half [about 57 to 43%] of Tihipko's voters would vote for Yanukovych rather than Tymoshenko in next month's presidential run-off. So more for Tihipko to consider.

Over 70% of Yatsenyuk's voters would vote for Tymoshenko according to the poll.

Incidentally, one of the reasons proposed for Tymoshenko's frequently depressed ratings in opinion polls is some Ukrainian male respondents do not feel comfortable openly declaring their support for a woman.

p.s. Tihipko's evenly spread support across all of Ukraine's regions, details of which can be seen on the Central Election Commission's website, is remarkable. [Refer to Rezul'taty holosuvannya - Po kozhnomu kandydatu at my link]. No other politician in Ukraine's history has managed such a feat. The challenge now for him is how to develop his political career on this platform.

p.p.s. A couple of interesting videos from F.T. here

Monday, January 18, 2010

From a small corner


My father-in-law reported yesterday that four large men blocked the way to the place where the voting was held in their village. The reason was ostensibly that there was something wrong with the voting list. They didn’t allow anyone in until after twelve.
It’s an older village and many went early. They would have been turned away by these goons and with the cold and the fact that snow and ice haven’t been cleared all that well meant that they likely didn’t come back.
He thought these goons were Yanukovych people which says a lot I think even though I don’t know how he could know. The significant thing might be that that village was highly pro-Tymoshenko.
It’s a small village and you would wonder why bother with it. But I try never to underestimate the ability of the Ukrainian elite to do stupid things or to allow them to be done (nor the Ukrainian people to accept them, unfortunately.)
We live in a village just outside of Kiev and there were problems with the voting list here too according to the head of the village council. But no one blocked the door and prevented people from coming in. Ours is a much, much large village, though.
I have no idea how it was in other places. I guess it will come out if there were any-- what do they call them here?—political technologies-- that’s it-- used.
I don’t think there were any observers from the EU present though someone else might know. The EU has lost patience with Ukraine and that because of gas. It is understandable, I guess, because of European interests—cold is cold whether its in Europe or Ukraine—and my people being cold is worse than yours being cold, naturally. But you would wish that they might take a more enlightened view of it-- at least I do.
Some analysts that the indefatigable Levko has posted about—thank you—say that there is going to be a lurch toward authoritarianism whether Yanukovych or Tymoshenko is elected. That is unfortunate. In the last part of the election, Yanukovych said that Ukraine needed “the rule of law.” Well, about “the rule of law,” he doesn’t mean what everybody else means. What he means is what Vladimir Putin means by it; order. Yanukovych said recently that Ukraine has paid a high price for free speech. Oh, really? (He also said that he was tired of speaking the rubbish that was Ukrainian, and his Crimean audience laughed in gales.)
I do think it will be more difficult to do what he did earlier though. There are more power centers around than there were before. But again, the ability of the elite in Ukraine to do something stupid should not be underestimated, nor the tendency of the people to accept them, unfortunately. (Though the Orange Revolution was a bright exception to this and creates some hope for the future.)
This all means that Tymoshenko would be better for the country even though it will mean some authoritarianism as well. It will be a softer kind-- a gloved fist with the smell of lilacs?-- perhaps less damaging to the country though that may be naive. This makes her preferable even though she is completely tone death when it comes to economics and to foreign investment.
Why not someone else? You’d think that someone else would show up in Ukrainian politics who would be better. It’s always, always, always the same people.
We thought maybe Yetsinuk would be that candidate, but he’s been a bust. Apparently, he was saddled with the political technologists of the pre-Orange Revolution Yanukovych. They have tried to triangulate between Russia and Europe which has succeeded magnificently in making Yetsinuk look like the old guard; like everybody else. (Though I must say his later commercials were pretty personable. Too late.) His candidacy and campaign have been a spectacular failure. A pity because he was one who spoke with a lot of candor. But Yuschenko spoke that way during the Orange Revolution and then ended up governing like the old guard—except, that is, when it came to elections for which people ought to thank him. I am afraid though that things like that won’t stick.
But, as with anything else, I guess we’ll see.

Sunday, January 17, 2010

Red faces for pollsters?

Ukrainian media, e.g. U.P. are now posting the results of 4 exit polls taken during today's first round presidential elections.

Three of the exit polls commisioned by TV companies or TV programmes show Viktor Yanukovych about 10 points ahead of his nearest rival Yulia Tymoshenko. The other one, the National Exit Poll, gives Yanukovych about a 4 points lead. [More about the NEP here ]

The NEP claim they are the most trustworthy.

In most countries that I have visited over the years, if you ask a local about the location of a certain place, or for information on transport or local events etc. most people are only too happy to help. In Ukraine, maybe I've been unlucky, maybe it's just me, but the response has often been: "Why do you want to know?" or, "Do you have a smoke?"

My guess is that more voters in Ukraine will be more reluctant to respond at all, or if they do, to respond so as give him the questioner the answer that he is looking for, than in other countries. In other words the above polls should all be treated with caution...just a bit of fun, as they say.

If the three polls mentioned above prove to be inaccurate, this be used by Tymoshenko as evidence to illustrate how her opponent's oligarch supporters, owners of the TV channels, manipulate the mass media in Ukraine.

We will see...somebody is going to finish up with a red face..


Saturday, January 16, 2010

Last roll of the dice

Tonight's slightly alarmist address by President Yushchenko to his people, broadcast in all mass media, on his website, in English, here.

Don't know where he found time to make it between packing his suitcases, and flicking through exotic holiday brochures..Ah..just a few more weeks..

Monday, January 11, 2010

Yanukovych presidency best for Ukraine?

There's an interesting piece of speculative commentary entitled 'The matter of Ukraine's Democracy', by Stanislav Byelkovsky, on Ukraine's upcoming presidential election in today's 'UP'

The main points are as follows:

Both Viktor Yanukovych's and Yulia Tymoshenko's attitude to democracy and civil liberties are the same: "Democracy and freedom are good when we are in opposition, but bad when we in power".

However it cannot be said that the consequences for Ukraine will be the same whichever of these two candidates becomes president.

In case of a Tymoshenko victory Byelkovsky proposes the following scenario:

Party of Regions falls apart or ceases to exist in its current form. As a 'quasi-political' structure created by a few big business groups it needs to be in power or have a good chance of acceeding to power quickly. Long spells in opposition are of no concern to them.

Yanukovych's possible successor as the political leader of the South and East parts of the country will not be fundamentally hostile to the Ukrainian authorities. Instead, he will try to find a compromise with Tymoshenko and lead a constructive opposition, possibly in the current Russian manner.

The ruling parliamentary coalition will grow due to the influx of defectors and will be stable. Any new Prime Minister will be totally loyal to Tymoshenko i.e. Tymoshenko will be at the same time a de facto president and head of government. The threat to democracy and freedom are obvious.

In the case of a Yanukovych victory Byelkovych predicts:

Yulia Tymoshenko will not disappear from the political scene. She is a true charismatic leader that can survive regardless of external circumstances.

Yanukovych's success especially, against the background of Yushchenko's departure, will lead to consolidation of lesser political groups around PM Tymoshenko. In the event of a Yanukovych victory the current parliamentary coalition is unlikely to collapse, on the contrary, it may rally. Obviously Tymoshenko will be against any strengthening of constitutional presidential powers. It will be difficult for Yanukovych to call for early parliamentary elections in such circumstances.

As a result President Yanukovych will have limited powers but will act as strong counterweight to the government and their parliamentary majority. In such a scenario democracy and freedom of speech will be preserved.

[Some BYuT , NUNS and Lytvyn bloc deputies might not 'run to matron' but could be enticed to defect to a re-energized PoR VR fraction. However most if not all of the 72 NUNS deputies would not get back into parliament in any fresh elections..same goes for BL..a powerful disincentive.. LEvko]

Byelkovsy concludes that, ironically, five years after the Orange Revolution, the interests of Ukrainian democracy may be best served by a Yanukovych victory.

He also downplays the chances of Ukraine being drawn into some kind of Russian Eurasian project 'that does not exist'. Ukraine, unlike Russia, does not need a tsar to legitimize the kleptocracy of the type that also exists in many third world countries having an abundance of mineral wealth to be plundered. In Ukraine there are no large stocks of such materials to provide an economic base. Under either future president, Ukraine's movement toward EU and NATO will continue.

p.s. FT is going with Yanik too but pities Ukraine that it has come to this..
The FT editorial should had mentioned economic policy in Ukraine is in the hands of the PM and her cabinet, not in the hands of the president.

Friday, January 08, 2010

'Strong president' arriving soon?

In a recent interview in the Austrian daily 'Die Presse', Viktor Yanukovych declares that if he is elected president he will make proposals to parliament to change the Constitution. If they do not confirm the changes, he will call fresh parliamentary elections. He suggests he may call a referendum to ascertain what kind of system of rule the country wants, and says: "In my view, the [current] situation requires a strong president."

Yulia Tymoshenko has similar ideas. The National Radio Company of Ukraine recently ran this:

"In her opinion, it is expedient to make the amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine that would introduce a presidential form of government. Yulia Tymoshenko underscored that only in this way it is possible to put an end to chaos and helplessness in Ukrainian today's politics."

And the man many are predicting to come third in the 17th January presidential elections, Serhiy Tihipko, supports "strong presidential authority" too.

Tihipko could become 'king-maker' after the first round of the presidential elections. Some bloggers have doubts about this, but according to one of the lesser presidential candidates, Inna Bohoslovska, Tihipko has sunk as much money into his election campaign advertising as has Tymoshenko. This is an investment for the future - whether in the PM's chair or the future presidency.

I guess, one way or another, the new president, whoever he[or she] may be, will quite soon have greater levers of power in their hands than the current president.

Incidentally, Bohoslovska also claimed a couple of days ago that Tihipko is in cahoots with Tymoshenko, and that he is "doing everything for a Tymoshenko electoral victory".

There is still a 'what if' question still hanging in the air - What if Yushchenko comes in third? It may be that his OP ratings have been depressed because his supporters are not willing to openly declare their support for him. The same could be said of Tymoshenko's supporters.

If Yushchenko does indeed come in third, what does he do? After years of bitter criticism there's absolutely no chance of him credibly supporting Tymoshenko. But if he openly supports Yanukovych it would be counterproductive and could weaken Yanukovych's position. Tymoshenko and others have repeatedly accused Yu and Ya of working in tandem to prevent her becoming president. However if he announces that he is 'against all', this would, on balance, benefit Yanukovych because the current president's supporters would abstain from voting leaving Yanukovych's first round lead intact. And Yush may even find himself head of the National Bank of Ukraine.. following a Yanik victory...



Friday, January 01, 2010

What does 2010 hold in store for Ukraine?

In a previous blog I mentioned an excellent in-depth analytic article in 'Leviy Bereg' that followed a seminar held jointly by the publication and the Kyiv Horshenin Institute, to predict what 2010 will bring to Ukraine.

The article makes the following conclusions, which I've loosely translated below:

The battle between Viktor Yanukovych and Yulia Tymoshenko will continue, not only during the election campaign, but also after it. Interrelations between these two politicians will determine the state of Ukrainian politics for at least a year - this will be not a battle of ideas, platforms or concepts, but rather an interpersonal fight.

Next year the prerequisites for the formation of a wide coalition and for instilling order in the country will be actualized. The only question at the moment is who is to be the moderator of this process - Yanukovych or Tymoshenko. The style of moderation will depend on which of those two becomes President, as well as what diplomatic moves are made, and what the main subject of negotiations will be, but the result will be one and the same, whatever the scenario. A broad parliamentary coalition with a high ability to co-operate with the president would improve conditions for effective realization of presidential authority.

On February 7th 2010, [the date of the final round of the presidential elections] it will not be just the president that is chosen, but also the prime minister. The result of the election will be decided by the extent one or other main candidate can garner the support of the candidate who comes third in the first round.

Everyone understands well the conditionality of any pledges made to any future prime minister because it is not the President that designates the PM. However, it is obvious that the appearance of a 'tandem' would give either of the two presidential candidates numerous electoral benefits. It appears, at the moment, that most desired partner, both for Yanukovych and for Tymoshenko, is Serhiy Tihipko.

Next year will be a year of rotation of elites. Serious processes with disintegration and the regrouping of large party formations will occur inside political parties. Next year will be the year when new political realities will be conceived.

Whoever becomes president, Ukraine will be fated to reboot its relations with the Russian Federation, but it will not be possible to avoid conflicts. From a predominantly humanitarian plane they will be transferred to an economic plane and will not be limited exclusively to questions of the price of gas.

Whoever becomes President in Ukraine, under the pretext of restoration of order, a roll-back to authoritarianism and curbs to freedom of speech in its current form, will unavoidably occur.

It is unlikely next year will become a year of breakthrough in the economic sphere. The economic crisis will not have been overcome, and political processes (including frequent election campaigns) will only contribute to its deepening.

The primary task of the new president will be to obtain an obedient and loyal parliament, and for the duration of the next year we could see a complete neutralization of the system of parliamentarism in Ukraine - the Verkhovna Rada's role gradually reduced to purely nominal functions.

The role of local self-governance will grow - regional elections will become the third stage of the presidential campaign and either they will make it possible for the new president to consolidate victory, or they will lead to weakening of his, or her, position and will create preconditions for the loosening of the foundations of presidential authority. The elected President will not be able to ignore the interests of regional elites and it will have to build new relations with the regions.

p.s. Happy New Year to visitors of this blog! I'll try and post more regularly in the weeks to come!